The electric crisis is a moment to see the green ambitions in Europe


Letter: Europe Express

The EU’s “green alliance” is about to save the planet. By stabbing at hegemony. European leaders see the need for decarbonisation to push for economic transformation, and for Europe to take the lead in technological change and policy.

The EU’s desire to become a green global leader shows that, in many ways, it has already happened. The green parties are more popular in Europe than anywhere else. They have taken power or won a psychological war until other parties have achieved their goals. Europe makes its development with slightly lower air pressure. Her cities are pioneering financially in towns that rely on cars for transportation.

But Europe’s ambitious ambitions also mean it is the first to face challenges, such as the political turmoil in the rise in electricity prices. The imminent expectation of citizens who will not turn on the electricity is the threat to any government. But in Europe it is also threatening a long-term political program in which many more – including the ways in which the EU exchanged money – are under construction.

The European goal of decarbonization means that the use of dead energy is expensive. This is always difficult to sell. Now that big prices are suddenly arriving here, it will be very difficult. Whether EU leaders can be safe from the current crisis – that is, the contractor who made the yellow robes – shows whether their hope for green hegemony around the world has no power to last.

No politician can ignore the real power among the people who live. But they should not fall into the trap of tempting the weather for the sake of power. They must, instead, align themselves with the crisis to promote green politics – since accepting the four ways in which bills are rising these days reflects the work that has not been completed.

First, these spikes come after a temporary decrease in electrical prices. Europeans have enjoyed half a decade before the tax markets was low compared to the 2008-9 recession, Adjustment of inflation. Electricity prices have it he did the same. Although electricity taxes have skyrocketed at the time, all prices are being met, especially by businesses.

This may not be the case for those who are experiencing heavy debt. But the long-term consequences have been erroneous which results in the misuse of energy. If governments were committed to raising tariffs faster in the past, families and businesses would be able to cope with short-term consequences.

Second, the integrated electronic market is still more ambitious than the real thing. Families and businesses pay more for gas in the EU than it is cheaper than cheap, even if tax differences are taken into account. The same is true of electricity. In one real market, prices should simply be different from transportation or tariffs (for which financial and government spending should be lower). In such a market, fluctuations in local prices may not be so severe.

Third, Europe is very different in terms of access to renewable energy. This may seem to justify Germany’s acceptance of Russia’s Nord Stream 2 approach. But it also highlights the need to invest heavily in other areas, such as energy efficiency to boost global oil markets, or renewable energy projects in the Mediterranean.

Fourth, an important question on EU integration needs to be addressed. In the middle, the question is how should the gas work if the stone goes away from the coal and oil. In time, the question is replaced. This is not an isolated case: natural gas bills have a longer life span than a decade or more and can serve as a source of change.

Everywhere the EU’s long-term power lines are looking in the right direction but not enough. Solid carbon wood contributes to energy. Big money sales revenue will help small problems. But bloc developing an interest in hydrogen can have a longer life span for new natural gas products and principles to convert gas production from electrical energy to a “blue” hydrogen source. It may also give impetus to Berlin’s idea to compensate Ukraine for the geostrategic threat of Nord Stream 2 by turning the country into a hydrogen exporter to the EU.

These are complex performance issues. But the main task is statecraft: persuading voters to double the number of decarbonisation – and its meaning on oil prices – is the best way to avoid such problems in the future.

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